Ancient History
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Persia from Cyrus II to the death of Darius III
Outcomes
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H1.1 |
describe and assess the significance of key people, groups, events, institutions, societies and sites within the historical context |
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H2.1 |
explain historical factors and assess their significance in contributing to change and continuity in the ancient world |
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H3.4 |
explain and evaluate differing perspectives and interpretations of the past |
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H3.3 |
analyse and evaluate sources for their usefulness and reliability |
Overview
Principal Focus :
Through an investigation of the archaeological and written sources for Persia from Cyrus II to the death of Darius III, students learn about significant developments, forces and relevant historiographical issues that shaped the historical period.
Students learn about: evidence relating to different interpretations of the Persian Empire in respect to:
- the expansion of the empire: conquests and expeditions
- maintenance of the empire: suppression of revolts and treatment of subject peoples’
Xenophon (1972) The Persian Expedition trans. Rex Wamer, Penguin, Harmondsworth.
Cyrus the great takes Babylon
After nearly 20 years as King, Cyrus II prepared to expand into the Chaldean empire of Babylonia. He brought his successful army into the region, and spent the summer before the invasion camped north of Babylon. Herodotos (I. 189) says that it was in the basin of Gyndes (a tributary of the Tigris). This caused a number of problems in Babylon. The Babylonian Chronicle indicated disturbances in year 16 of Narbondius' reign. Beaulieu (1993: 260–1) argued that this, together with a partial eclipse of the moon on 13 June 539 BC, caused panic in the Chaldean empire.
With a powerful invading army on the borders and panic spreading at home, Narbondius acted. Beaulieu (1993: 245–248) used Babylonian records of boat rentals to show how Narbondins deliberately had the cult statues of the protecting gods of outlying cities brought to Babylon. This was to protect the cult statues from being defiled and also to give him the support of those gods. The Chaldean king Narbondius celebrated festivities of the local god Bel with "a great plenty of wine among the soldiery" (The Babylonian Chronicle), but he could not maintain support of all sections of Babylonian society. Their soothsayers were warning of a fall (Burn, 1984: 52). The author of Isaiah II says that God shall raise up "a man from the North, a man from the East" (xli, 1–4, 25), whom he names as "Cyrus, my Anointed" or "my Messiah" (xliv, 24 to xlv,3).
The Babylonian Chronicle lists the cult statues moved in year 17 of Narbondius' rule. Meissner (1925), argued that invaders wanted to capture a city's god, so that the god would then support them. Beaulieu (1993: 241) has drawn on previous scholarship to argue that the cult statues were transformed through ongoing religious practice from "their lifeless matter into the living incarnation of the deity”. So the statue was the god, and possessing the statue meant controlling the god. Contemporary Isaiah II (xliv, 12–20), condemned such worship of idols. Beaulieu felt that Narbondius was trying to maintain the support of the deities in their statue form. It didn't work.
A letter from the officials in Uruk to those in Babylon refers to the soldiers (for protection) and the barley (for offerings) sent to Babylon with the cult statue of Ishtar. This letter indicates the range of hangers-on of these cult statues, such as brewers and bakers, all of whom needed their payments in wool as well as barley. Beaulieu (1993: 257) used the letter, the chronicle and the boat rent records to suggest that Ishtar of Uruk was only one of many such cult statues, being sent to Babylon. Each had a clergy that could number in the thousands, moving food and commodities between Babylon and their city. Each college of priests had their own sacred practices associated with the cult statue. These had to be performed in accordance with correct ritual so that the cult statue could maintain its divine status. Even using the wrong grain for offerings could create problems. Narbondius was both "increasing the confusion of a kingdom already at bay”, and "ensuring the continued substantial presence of the deities at his side" (Be aulieu, 1993: 257). Of course the Cyrus Cylinder interpreted these actions as an abomination against Marduk, and a daily evil against Babylon.
With the region of Diyala, to the north of Babylon, already secure, Cyrus advanced with his army. There was sharp fighting on the defensive walls built to hold the Medes in the north, between the two rivers (Xenophon, Cyrus, viii, 5, 8ff). However, the canals drew water away from the rivers, and lowered their level to wading height (Herodotos, I. 189). The soldiers of Akkad retreated, leaving booty and prisoners (Narbondius Chronicle). There is little suggestion of resistance once he broke this line at Opis. The Cyrus Cylinder says the size of Cyrus' army "like the waters of a river, cannot be known". The large numbers of fully armoured men were now too much to resist. The Babylonian Chronicle says that "Sippar was taken without battle", the Cyrus Cylinder says "Without skirmish or battle (Marduk) permitted (Cyrus) to enter Babylon." Herodotos (I. 191) says that Babylon was taken by surprise since "there was a festival going on, and they continued to dance and enjoy themselves...";
Faced with what was a superior military force, Narbondius had tried to maintain positive divine intervention. Cyrus countered by using a local official. "Cyrus now, with his usual tact and capacity for trusting men and receiving loyal service from the conquered used Babylonian nobles such as Gubaru, governor of Gutium" (Burn, 1984: 55). His reward was the position of satrap of Babylon (Olmstead, 1948). No weapons were brought into Esalglia and the other temples, according to the Babylonian Chronicle. The Cyrus Cylinder tells us that he had gained the support of the very gods (and their priests) whom Narbondius had tried to control. "Marduk, the great lord, guardian of his people, looked with joy on his pious works and his upright heart.” This could mean that there was an arrangement after Cyrus' entry to the city. But Herodotos seems genuinely surprised that the defenders of the great walls of Babylon were not used to trap and destroy the army of Cyrus (I, 191), and more so that there should be religious festivals distracting the defenders. If he is right, then either the priests were so concerned with maintaining the deity status of their cult statues, that a mere invading army was irrelevant; or someone (possibly Gubaru) had persuaded them to support Cyrus, and they were deliberately distracting the defenders.
"Bel is fallen, broken is Nebo!" (Isaiah II, xlvi, 1 f). Cyrus now had a multicultural society to administer. In his first year, he permitted the Jews to return to Jerusalem, and rebuild the Great Synagogue. Esra, I, 1 ff, treats Cyrus as a great liberator and representative of God. Yet he is clearly a worshipper of Ahura-Mazda. Boyce (1988: 28-29) has cited archaeological evidence, scriptural evidence, and even family names, to this effect. Beaulieu (1993: 260) argued that "the Cyrus Cylinder puts great emphasis on the care fostered by the Persian ruler on the cult centres located east of the Tigris";. (Although Weisenhoefer (1996: 42–55) carefully discounts the evidence provided by most of our sources for Cyrus). The Cyrus Cylinder, shows him chosen by Bel-Marduk, to avenge the heretical Nabondius (whose great crime had been to move the cult statues!). It may be possible to read Cyrus as both a skilled diplomat and propagandist, and a ruthless general.
Questions
- What was causing panic in Babylon,
according to:
a) Herodotos? b) Beaulieu? - How did Cyrus prepare for his invasion
of Babylon, according to:
a) Herodotos? b) Beaulieu? - How did Narbondius prepare against
Cyrus' invasion, according to:
a) The Babylonian Chronicle? b) Beaulieu? - What problems did he face, according
to:
a) Burn b) Isaiah II - Why was it important to control cult statues?
- From the evidence of the letter from Uruk, did moving the cult statues help Narbondius?
- Given the importance of the statues, did he have another choice?
- Why was there so little resistance to
Cyrus, according to
a) The Cyrus Cylinder c) Herodotos?
b) The Babylonian Chronicle? d) Burn? - Assess Cyrus' military and political abilities, in gaining and maintaining his empire.
- Assess the Cyrus Cylinder’s usefulness and reliability in presenting reasons for Cyrus' success.
More
Beaulieu, P-A. (1993) An episode in the fall of Babylon to the Persians, in Journal of Near Eastern Studies vol. 52, no. 4.
Boyce, M. (1988) The religion of Cyrus the Great in Achaemenid History III Method and Theory, (ed) Kuhrt, A. and Sancisi-Weerdenburg, H. Leiden.
Burn, A.R. (1984) Persia and the Greeks, Duckworth, London.
Herodotos (1985) The Histories, trans. Rex Warner, Penguin, Harmondsworth.
Kuhrt, A. (1995) The Ancient Near East c. 3000–330 BC Vol 2, Routledge, London.
Lawless and Cameron (1994) Studies in Ancient Persia, Thomas Nelson, South Melbourne.
Olmstead, A.T., (1948) History of the Persian Empire, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
The Jerusalem Bible (1974) Darton, Longman and Todd, London.
Weishoefer, J. (1996) Ancient Persia 550 BC–650AD trans. Azodi, A. IB Tauris Publishing, London.
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