Home > Modern History > National Studies > G Russia and the Soviet Union 1917-1941 > Communism in theory and practice
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| V.I.Lenin |
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Dr Eric Andrews
Cliff Cranfield
From this tutorial you will learn about:
The first moves of the Bolsheviks in November 1917 were intended to give themselves revolutionary legality. For this, they used the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets in which they outnumbered their opponents. Not surprisingly, that body approved of Bolshevik actions against the Provisional Government and agreed to a new government, known as 'The Soviet of People's Commissars'.
Then in a bid to get constitutional legality, the Bolsheviks allowed the elections to the Constituent Assembly, called by Kerensky, to continue. When it met in January 1918, it refused to recognise the authority of the Congress of Soviets, and Bolshevik troops dissolved it. This was to be the last election on a wide franchise held in Russia.
As for general policy, Lenin's first aim was to stop the war at all costs so that he could concentrate on internal matters. At first, however, the German demands were so outrageous that Trotsky refused to sign the 'peace treaty', allowing the German armies to sweep forward once more into the vast open spaces of Russia. At this stage, according to socialist theories, the Bolsheviks should have waged a revolutionary war against the invaders and called on the German troops not to use force against their fellow workers. But they were afraid to do this in case they lost control of events and the government. So this marked a very early break between theory and practice.
Lenin eventually persuaded the Bolsheviks of the necessity to accept the German demands, and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed on 3 March 1918. This was a savage treaty; it puts the German claim that they were maltreated by the wicked allies at Versailles into perspective. The old Russian Empire had lost:
This was a staggering price to pay for peace, and Lenin could only get it accepted by the party by arguing that revolution was imminent in Germany, so the price would be only a temporary one.
Lenin's comment on the Brest-Litovsk Treaty was: 'the absolute truth is that without a revolution in Germany, we shall perish.'
Opposition was bound to mount as the realities of Bolshevik rule became clearer. Nearly the whole of the civil service went on strike, bringing the administration and distribution of food almost to a standstill. The Church, of course, was also in opposition; the Cossacks resisted; so too did the ordinary people, particularly the peasants, as they realised what was happening. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk horrified Russian opinion of every shade, including quite sincere revolutionaries. The Bolsheviks were forcing their enemies to unite against them.
Yet even though they were attacked from north, south, east and west, with allied intervention occurring on a large scale, with famine and acute discontent arising from their economic policies, the Bolsheviks survived. Why? There are several reasons.
But it was the Red Army that defeated the Whites in the field, and the driving force behind this was Trotsky. By 1920 the Red Army consisted of 5 million men, although probably only 600,000 were available at any one time. Discipline was tightened; political commissars were appointed to watch over all activities; the election of officers was abolished; and former tsarist officers were forced to serve in the Red Army by the holding of their families as hostage.
The economy collapsed, and official barter replaced money everywhere. A vast black market grew up. Discontent was rife. Outbursts of peasant anarchy occurred; and in March 1921 the sailors of Kronstadt naval base, once the spearhead of the revolution, mutinied and rose against the men who, they claimed, were corrupting the revolution. They demanded the end of the bullying of the peasants and a return of real power to the Soviets. Their rising was put down in blood by Trotsky the man who later wrote a book entitled The Revolution Betrayed.
But the Communist Party under Lenin had at least seen the danger signs. Economic improvement had to come. Lenin, therefore, persuaded the party to adopt the so-called New Economic Policy (NEP). Despite its weaknesses, this was an improvement and should have continued, but neither Lenin nor the other Communists had abandoned their aims. What they sought was a breathing space, and to get this they had to increase production at all costs. Pasternak, in his book Dr Zhivago, describes the NEP as 'the most false and ambiguous of all Soviet periods.' It was not surprising that he was persecuted by the government of Khrushchev!
All this, of course, is a far cry from Karl Marx, and even further from the mainstream of socialism. They had turned Marx's theories into an uncompromising dogmatism, of which they were the only interpreters.
In short, Lenin used the revolution of the bourgeoisie to seize power himself. Whatever he wrote or said, the fact remains that he abandoned Marx's theory of how and when societies change. By his very seizure of power the Bolsheviks were committed to many things they had not previously supported:
There were four broad changes in Marxism in general and Russia in particular as a result of Lenin's seizure of power: